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Cuatro niveles de altura tonal en la frontera de frase en espa ol peninsular (Four levels of tonal scaling at the boundaries of Peninsular Spanish sentences)
Keywords: ,,,,
El principal objetivo de esta investigación es proporcionar evidencia de la existencia de cuatro niveles tonales contrastivos en posición final de frase (tonos de frontera) en espa ol peninsular. Estudios recientes sobre la entonación del espa ol siguiendo los parámetros del sistema de notación prosódica Sp_ToBI han visto la necesidad de postular dos tonos adicionales (un tono medio, M%, y un tono extra alto, HH%) a los que inicialmente proponían los primeros trabajos dentro del modelo métrico-autosegmental, precursor de los sistemas ToBI (un tono bajo, L%, y un tono alto, H%). En este artículo se presentan los resultados de un estudio de producción en los que se corrobora la existencia de dichos niveles en espa ol peninsular mediante el análisis acústico de cuatro enunciados idénticos en cuanto a estructura segmental y acento tonal nuclear pero contrastivos debido exclusivamente a diferencias en el nivel tonal del tono de frontera. En total se analizaron 240 frases en espa ol peninsular central. Los resultados demuestran la asociación de cada uno de los niveles tonales a un significado distinto de los enunciados: L% (declarativo), M% (enumeración inacabada), H% (contorno de llamada) y HH% (interrogativo reiterativo). (The main aim of this study is to provide evidence of the existence of fourcontrastive tonal levels in sentence final position (boundary tones) in Peninsular Spanish. Recent studies on Spanish intonation within the Sp_ToBI annotation system have incorporated two additional tones (a mid tone, M% and an extra high tone, HH%) to the original boundary tone inventory proposed in former investigations within the auto segmental-metrical framework (a low tone, L% and a high tone, H%). This study presents the results of a production test which confirms the existence of the aforementioned four tonal categories bymeans of an acoustic analysis of four kinds of sentences which are identical as far as segmental structure and nuclear pitch accent are concerned but which contrast due to the different scaling of the boundary tones. Overall, 240 sentences were analyzed for Central Peninsular Spanish. The results show the association of each tone level to a different meaning of the sentence: L% (declarative), M% (unfinished enumeration), H% (calling contour) and HH% (reiterative question).)
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African-American Vernacular English (AAVE), known less precisely as Black Vernacular, Black English Vernacular (BEV), Black Vernacular English (BVE), or colloquially
term), is the
and ) of English natively spoken by most
and some , particularly in urban communities. Having its own unique accent, grammar, and vocabulary features, African-American Vernacular English is employed by middle-class African Americans as the more informal and casual end of a socio on the formal end of this continuum, middle-class African Americans
grammar and vocabulary, usually while retaining elements of the
As with most , African-American Vernacular English shares a large portion of its
with the , and especially , due to historical connections to the region. Mainstream linguists maintain that the parallels between African-American Vernacular English and
are real but minor, with African-American Vernacular English
still falling under the English language, demonstrably tracing back to the diverse nonstandard dialects of early English settlers in the . However, a minority of linguists argue that the vernacular shares so many characteristics with African
spoken around the world that it could have originated as its own
or semi-creole language, distinct from the English language.
While it is clear that there is a strong relationship between AAVE and , the origins of AAVE are still a matter of debate.
One theory is that AAVE arose from one or more slave
that arose from the
and the need for African captives, who spoke many different languages, to communicate among themselves and with their captors.
According to this theory, these captives first developed what are called , simplified mixtures of languages. Since pidgins form from close contact between speakers of different languages, the slave trade would have been exactly such a situation. Dillard quotes, for example,
Captain William Smith describing the sheer diversity of mutually unintelligible languages just in . By 1715, an African pidgin had made its way into novels by , in particular, The Life of Colonel Jacque. In 1721,
conducted the first attempt at recording the speech of slaves in his interviews regarding the practice of smallpox inoculation. By the time of the American Revolution, varieties among slave creoles were not quite . Dillard quotes a recollection of "slave language" toward the latter part of the 18th century: "Kay, massa, you just leave me, me sit here, great fish jump up into da canoe, here he be, massa, fine fish, den me sit very still, until another great fis but me fall asleep, massa, and no wake 'til you come...." Not until the time of the
did the language of the slaves become familiar to a large number of educated whites. The abolitionist papers before the war form a rich
of examples of plantation creole. In Army Life in a Black Regiment (1870),
detailed many features of his black soldiers' language.
Another theory, the presiding one in the linguistics community, however, is that AAVE did not originate from English-based creole languages that "decreolized" back into a dialect of E rather, most linguists maintain, AAVE has always been a dialect of English. In the early 2000s,
provided -based evidence—evidence from a body of writing—from isolated enclaves in
peopled by descendants of migrations of early AAVE-speaking groups (see ) that suggests that the grammar of early AAVE was closer to that of contemporary British dialects than modern urban AAVE is to other current American dialects, suggesting that the modern language is a result of divergence from mainstream varieties, rather than the result of decreolization from a widespread American creole.
maintains that the contribution of West African languages to AAVE is minimal. In an interview on 's Talk of the Nation, Dr. McWhorter characterized AAVE as a "hybrid of regional dialects of Great Britain that slaves in America were exposed to because they often worked alongside the indentured servants who spoke those dialects..." According to Dr. McWhorter, virtually all linguists who have carefully studied the origins of AAVE "agree that the West African connection is quite minor."
Many pronunciation features distinctly set AAVE apart from other forms of
(particularly, ).
argues that what truly unites all AAVE accents is a uniquely wide-ranging intonation pattern or "melody", which characterizes even the most "neutral" or light African-American accent. A handful of multisyllabic words in AAVE differ from General American in their stress placement so that, for example, police, guitar and Detroit are pronounced with initial stress instead of ultimate stress. The following are phonological differences in AAVE vowel and consonant sounds.
All AAVE vowels
Pure vowels ()
Example words
[ae~?:~??]
act, pal, trap
ham, land, yeah
blah, bother, father, lot, top, wasp
[?(?)~?(?)]
all, dog, bought, loss, saw, taught
dress, met, bread
about, syrup, arena
hit, skim, tip
island, gamut, wasted
beam, chic, fleet
bus, flood, what
book, put, should
food, glue, new
[?:~?e~a:]
prize, slide, tie
price, slice, tyke
now, ouch, scout
lake, paid, rein
boy, choice, moist
goat, oh, show
rhotic: [ɑ?~??]non-rhotic: [ɑ:~?:]
barn, car, heart
rhotic: [??]non-rhotic: [??]
bare, bear, there
burn, first, herd
rhotic: [?]non-rhotic: [?]
better, martyr, doctor
rhotic: [i?]non-rhotic: [i?~i?]
fear, peer, tier
rhotic: [o?]non-rhotic:[o?~??~?o]
hoarse, horse, poor
score, tour, war
rhotic: [ju?~j??]non-rhotic:[ju?~j??]
cure, Europe, pure
African American Vowel Shift: AAVE accents have traditionally resisted the
spreading nationwide, with LOT
pronounced [?] and THOUGHT traditionally pronounced [??], though now often [?~??]. Early 2000s research has shown that this resistance may continue to be reinforced by the fronting of LOT, linked through a
of vowels to the
raising of the TRAP, DRESS, and perhaps KIT vowels. This chain shift is called the "African American Shift".
Reduction of certain
forms to , in particular, the PRIZE vowel /a?/ is
to [a:] except before
(this is also found in most ). The vowel sound in CHOICE (/??/ in General American) is also monophthongized, especially before /l/, making boil indistinguishable from ball.
: Before nasal consonants (/m/, /n/, and /?/), DRESS /?/ and KIT/?/ are both pronounced like [?~??], making pen and pin . This is also , particularly of the South.
The distinction between the KIT /?/ and FLEECE /i:/ vowels before
is frequently reduced or absent, making feel and fill homophones ().
also merge, making poor and pour homophones ().
Word-final devoicing of /b/, /d/, and /ɡ/, whereby, for example, cub sounds similar to cup, though these words may retain the longer vowel pronunciations that typically precede voiced consonants.
AAVE speakers may not use the
[θ] (the th in "thin") and [?] (the th of "th'en") that are present in standard varieties of English. The phoneme's position in a word determine its exact sound.
Word-initially,
is normally the same as in other English dialects (so thin is [θ?n]); in other situations, it may , going from
(with the tongue near the top teeth) to
(with the lower lip near the top teeth).
Word-initially,
is [?~d] (so this may be [d?s]). In other situations, /?/ may move forward in the mouth, much like the aforementioned behavior of /θ/.
Realization of final ng /?/, the , as the
and content morphemes with two or more syllables like -ing, e.g. tripping is pronounced as trippin. This change does not occur in one-syllable
morphemes such as sing, which is [s??] and not *[s?n]. However, singing is [s???n]. Other examples include wedding → [w???n], morning → [m??n?n], nothing → ['n?f?n]. Realization of /?/ as [n] in these contexts is commonly found in many other English dialects.
A marked feature of AAVE is final consonant cluster reduction. There are several phenomena that are similar but are governed by different grammatical rules.
This tendency has been used by creolists to compare AAVE to West African languages since such languages do not have final clusters.
Final consonant clusters that are
(have the same ) and share the same
are reduced. E.g. test is pronounced [t?s] since /t/ and /s/ hand is pronounced [haen] (or, more narrowly [h??n]), since /n/ and /d/ but pant is unchanged, as it contains both a voiced and a voiceless consonant in the cluster. Note also that it is the plosive (/t/ and /d/) in these examples that is lost rather than the fricative or nasal. Speakers may carry this declustered pronunciation when pluralizing so that the plural of test is [t?s?s] rather than [t?sts]. The clusters /ft/, /md/, are also affected.
More often, word-final /sp/, /st/, and /sk/ are reduced, again with the final element being deleted rather than the former.
For younger speakers, /skr/ also occurs in words that other varieties of English have /str/ so that, for example, street is pronounced [skrit].
Clusters ending in /s/ or /z/ exhibit variation in whether the first or second element is deleted.
Similarly, final consonants may be deleted (although there is a great deal of variation between speakers in this regard). Most often, /t/ and /d/ are deleted. As with other dialects of English, final /t/ and /k/ may reduce to a . Nasal consonants may be lost while nasalization of the vowel is retained (e.g., find may be pronounced [f?:]). More rarely, /s/ and /z/ may also be deleted.
forms like aks for "ask" or graps for "grasp".
behavior, in which the
/r/ is typically dropped when not it may also manifest as an unstressed [?] or the lengthening of the preceding vowel. Intervocalic /r/ may also be dropped, e.g. General American story ([st?ri]) can be pronounced [st?.i], though this doesn't occur across morpheme boundaries. /r/ may also be deleted between a consonant and a back rounded vowel, especially in words like throw, throat, and through.
The level of AAVE rhoticity is likely somewhat correlated with the rhoticity of white speake in 1960s research, AAVE accents tended to be mostly non-rhotic in Detroit, whose white speakers are rhotic, but completely non-rhotic in New York City, whose white speakers are also often non-rhotic.
/l/ is often vocalized in patterns similar to that of /r/ (though never between vowels) and, in combination with cluster simplification (see above), can make homophones of toll and toe, fault and fought, and tool and too. Homonymy may be reduced by vowel lengthening and by an off-glide [?].
discusses an accent
from "a 'deep' Black English through a 'light' Black English to standard English," saying the sounds on this continuum may vary from one African American speaker to the next or even in a single speaker from one situational context to the next. McWhorter regards the following as rarer features, characteristic only of a deep Black English but which speakers of light Black English may occasionally "dip into for humorous or emotive effect":
Lowering of /?/ before /?/, causing pronunciations such as [θ??~θae?] for thing (sounding something like thang).
Word-medially and word-finally, pronouncing /θ/ as [f] (so [m?mf] for month and [mae?f] for mouth), and /?/ as [v] (so [smu:v] for smooth and [?aev?(?)] for rather. This is called . Word-initially,
is [d] (so those and doze sound nearly identical). In other words, the tongue fully touches the top teeth.
Glide deletion () of all instances of , universally, resulting in [a:~?:] (so that, for example, even rice may sound like rahs.)
Full gliding () of , resulting in [i?] (so that win may sound like wee-un).
and fronting of the vowel
of words like strut, mud, tough, etc. to something like [?:~?:].
Although AAVE does not necessarily have the
marker of other English varieties (that is, the -ed of "worked"), it does have an optional tense system with at least four aspects of the past tense and two aspects of the future tense.
Phases/Tenses of AAVE
Pre-recent
I been bought it
I done buy it
Pre-present
I did buy it
Past Inceptive
I do buy it
I be buying it
I'm a-buy it
Post-immediate
I'm a-gonna buy it
Indefinite future
I gonna buy it
Syntactically, I bought it is grammatical, but done (always unstressed, pronounced as /d?n/) is used to emphasize the completed nature of the action.
As phase auxiliary verbs, been and done must occur as when they occur as the second, they carry additional :
He been done work means "he finished work a long time ago".
He done been work means "until recently, he worked over a long period of time".
The latter example shows one of the most distinctive features of AAVE: the use of be to indicate that performance of the verb is of a habitual nature. In most other American English dialects, this can only be expressed unambiguously by using adverbs such as usually.
This aspect-marking form of been or BIN is stressed and semantically distinct from the unstressed form: She BIN running ('She has been running for a long time') and She been running ('She has been running').
This aspect has been given several names, including perfect phase, remote past, and remote phase (this article uses the third).
As shown above, been places action in the distant past. However, when been is used with
forms, been shows that the action began in the distant past and that it is continuing now.
suggests that a better translation when used with stative verbs is "for a long time". For instance, in response to "I like your new dress", one might hear Oh, I been had this dress, meaning that the speaker has had the dress for a long time and that it isn't new.
To see the difference between the simple past and the gerund when used with been, consider the following expressions:
I been bought her clothes means "I bought her clothes a long time ago".
I been buying her clothes means "I've been buying her clothes for a long time".
AAVE grammatical aspects
Habitual/continuative aspect
He be working Tuesdays.
He frequently (or habitually) works on Tuesdays.
Intensified continuative (habitual)
He stay working.
He is always working.
Intensified continuative (not habitual)
He steady working.
He keeps on working.
Perfect progressive
He been working.
He has been working.
[]
He finna go to work.
He is about to go to work.
Finna corresponds to "fixing to" in other varieties. it is also written fixina, fixna, fitna, and finta
In addition to these, come (which may or may not be an auxiliary) may be used to indicate speaker indignation, such as in Don't come acting like you don't know what happened and you started the whole thing ('Don't try to act as if you don't know what happened, because you started the whole thing').
Negatives are formed differently from most other varieties of English:
as a general negative indicator. As in other dialects, it can be used where most other dialects would use am not, isn't, aren't, haven't, and hasn't. However, in marked contrast to other varieties of English in the US, some speakers of AAVE also use ain't instead of don't, doesn't, or didn't (e.g., I ain't know that). Ain't had its origins in common English but became increasingly stigmatized since the 19th century. See also .
Negative concord, popularly called "double negation", as in I didn't go nowhere; if the sentence is negative, all negatable forms are negated. This contrasts with
conventions, which have traditionally prescribed that a double negative is considered incorrect to mean anything other than a positive (although this wasn' see ).
In a negative construction, an indefinite pronoun such as nobody or nothing can be inverted with the negative verb particle for emphasis (e.g., Don't nobody know the answer, Ain't nothing going on.)
While AAVE shares these with Creole languages,
use data from early recordings of African Nova Scotian English, Samaná English, and the recordings of former slaves to demonstrate that negation was inherited from nonstandard colonial English.
be in the present tense is often , as in , ,
and other languages. For example: You crazy ("You're crazy") or She my sister ("She's my sister"). The phenomenon is also observed in questions: Who you? ("Who're you?") and Where you at? ("Where are you (at)?"). This has been sometimes considered a Southern U.S. regionalism, though it is most frequent in black speech. On the other hand, a stressed is cannot be dropped: Yes, she is my sister.
The general rules are:
Only the forms is and are (of which the latter is anyway often replaced by is) am, was, and were are not deleted.
These forms cannot be omitted when they would be pronounced with stress in General American (whether or not the stress serves specifically to impart an emphatic sense to the verb's meaning).
These forms cannot be omitted when the corresponding form in standard English cannot show contraction (and vice versa). For example, I don't know where he is cannot be reduced to *I don't know where he just as in standard English forms the corresponding reduction *I don't know where he's is likewise impossible. (I don't know where he at is possible, paralleling I don't know where he's at in standard English.)
Possibly some other minor conditions apply as well.
Verbs are uninflected for number and person: there is no -s ending in the present-tense third-person singular. Example: She write poetry ("She writes poetry"). Similarly, was is used for what in standard English are contexts for both was and were.
The genitive -'s ending may or may not be used. Genitive case is inferrable from adjacency. This is similar to many creoles throughout the Caribbean. Many language forms throughout the world use an it may here result from a simplification of grammatical structures. Example: my momma sister ("my mother's sister")
The words it and they denote the existence of something, equivalent to standard English's there is or there are.
Word order in questions: Why they ain't growing? ("Why aren't they growing?") and Who the hell she think she is? ("Who the hell does she think she is?") lack the inversion of most other forms of English. Because of this, there is also no need for the "".
Usage of personal pronoun "them" instead of definite article "those" or "these".[]
AAVE shares most of its lexicon with other varieties of English, particularly that of in for example, the relatively recent use of . However, it has also been suggested that some of the vocabulary unique to AAVE has its origin in West African languages, but etymology is often difficult to trace and without a trail of recorded usage, the suggestions below cannot be considered proven. Early AAVE contributed a number of African-originated words to the American English mainstream, including gumbo, goober, yam, and banjo. AAVE has also contributed slang expressions such as cool and hip. In many cases, the postulated etymologies are not recognized by linguists or the , such as to dig, jazz, tote, and bad-mouth, a
AAVE also has words that either are not part of most other American English dialects or have strikingly different meanings. For example, there are several words in AAVE referring to white people that are not part of mainstream American E these include gray as an adjective for whites (as in gray dude), possibly from th and paddy, an extension of the slang use for "Irish".
"," which is , is another it might derive from the
word afia, which means "light-colored", from the
word ofe, spoken in hopes of disappearing from danger, or via
from "foe". However, most dictionaries simply say its etymology is unknown. Kitchen refers to the particularly curly or kinky hair at the nape of the neck, and siditty or
means "snobbish" or "bourgeois".
AAVE has also contributed various words and phrases to other varieties of English, including chill out, main squeeze, soul, funky, and threads.
African-American Vernacular English has influenced the development of other dialects of English. The AAVE accent, , and Spanish-language accents have together yielded the sound of , some of whose speakers use an accent indistinguishable from an AAVE one. AAVE has also influenced certain
and , directly derived from the AAVE of the original 16,000 African Americans who migrated to Liberia in the 1800s. In the United States, urban youth participating in
or marginalized as ethnic minorities, aside from Latinos, are also well-studied in adopting African-American Vernacular English, or prominent elements of it: for example, Southeast-Asian Americans embracing hip-hop identities.
African-American Vernacular English began as mostly rural and Southern, yet today is mostly urban and nationally widespread, and its more recent urban features are now even diffusing into rural areas. Urban AAVE alone is intensifying with the grammatical features exemplified in these sentences: "He be the best" (intensified equative be), "She be done had her baby" (resultative be done), and "They come hollerin" (indignant come). On the other hand, rural AAVE alone shows certain features too, such as: "I was a-huntin" (a-prefixing); "It riz above us" (different irregular forms); and "I want for to eat it" (for to complement). Using the word bees even in place of be to mean is or are in standard English, as in the sentence "That's the way it bees" is also one of the rarest of all deep AAVE features today, and most middle-class AAVE speakers would recognize the verb bees as part of only a deep "Southern" or "country" speaker's vocabulary.
New York City AAVE incorporates some local features of the , including its high THOUGHT meanwhile, conversely, Pittsburgh AAVE may merge this same vowel with the LOT vowel, matching the
of . AAVE accents traditionally do not have the cot-caught merger. , , and
AAVE incorporates the DRESS vowel raising and FACE vowel lowering associated with . Memphis and St. Louis AAVE is developing, since the mid-twentieth century, an iconic , making there sound like thurr.
Although the distinction between AAVE and
accents is clear to most English speakers, some characteristics, notably double negatives and the omission of certain
(see below) such as the has in has been are also characteristic of many colloquial dialects of American English, though still more likely in AAVE.[] There is near-uniformity of AAVE grammar, despite its vast geographic spread across the whole country. This may be due in part to relatively recent migrations of African Americans out of the
and ) as well as to long-term racial segregation that kept black people living together in largely homogeneous communities.
Misconceptions about AAVE are, and have long been, common, and have stigmatized its use. One myth is that AAVE is grammatically "simple" or "sloppy". However, like all dialects, AAVE shows consistent internal logic and grammatical complexity, and is used naturally by a group of people to express thoughts and ideas. , attitudes about AAVE are since AAVE deviates from the standard, its use is commonly misinterpreted as a sign of ignorance, laziness, or both.
Perhaps because of this attitude (as well as similar attitudes among other Americans), most speakers of AAVE are bidialectal, being able to speak with more standard English features, and perhaps even a
accent, as well as AAVE. Such linguistic adaptation in different environments is called —though
argues that the situation is actually one of : each dialect, or code, is applied in different settings. Generally speaking, the degree of exclusive use of AAVE decreases with increasing
(although AAVE is still used by even well-educated African Americans).
Another myth is that AAVE is the native dialect (or even more inaccurately, a linguistic fad) employed by all African Americans. Wheeler (1999) warns that "AAVE should not be thought of as the language of Black people in America. Many African Americans neither speak it nor know much about it".
argues that the use of AAVE carries racially affirmative political undertones as its use allows African Americans to assert their cultural upbringing.
Nevertheless, use of AAVE also carries strong
presents a white female speaker of AAVE who is accepted as a member into African American social groups despite her race.
Before the substantial research of the 1960s and 1970s—including 's groundbreakingly thorough grammatical study, Language in the Inner City—there was doubt as to the existence of a distinct variety of English spoken by African A[]
noted that distinctive features of African American speech were present in the speech of Southerners and
argued that there were really no substantial vocabulary or grammatical differences between the speech of blacks and that of other English dialects.
The United States courts are divided over how to admit statements of ambiguous tense made in AAVE under evidence. In United States v. Arnold, the
held that "he
shoot me" was a statement made in the , so it was admissible
however, the dissent held that past or present tense could not be determined by the statement, so the statement should not have been admitted into evidence.
In US courts, an interpreter is only routinely available for speakers of "a language other than English". Rickford and King (2016) argue that a lack of familiarity with AAVE (and other minority dialects of English) on the part of jurors, stenographers, and others can lead to misunderstandings in court. They especially focus on the
and how the testimony of Rachel Jeantel was perceived as incomprehensible and not credible by the jury due to her dialect.
, , , , and most recently,
are all gen as such, AAVE usually appears, through singing, speaking, or rapping, in these musical forms. Examples of morphosyntactic features of AAVE in genres other than hip-hop are given below:
AAVE feature
"It Be's That Way Sometime"
"It Be's That Way Sometime"
habitual aspect with be
"Trouble So Hard"
"Don't nobody know my trouble but God"
negative concord
"The Rising Sun"
"She got something round and it look just like a bat"
lack of inflection on present-tense verb
"Cause my baby, he done left this town."
Use of "done" to indicate the recent past
More recently, AAVE has been used heavily in hip-hop to show "". Examples of morphosyntactic AAVE features used by black hip-hop artists are given below:
AAVE feature
"She said her name Shayeeda"
"I could tell her mama feed her"
lack of inflection on present-tense verb
"You can bank I ain't got no ceilin'"
negative concord
"Can I Live"
"It's a lot of angels waiting on their wings"
In addition to grammatical features, lexical items specific to AAVE are often used in hip-hop:
AAVE lexical item
Standard English definition
"Or the big-face rollie, I got two of those"
Rolex (watch)
"Straight Ballin'"
"And getting ghost on the 5-0"
5-0 ("five-oh")
"I can put bangles around yo ashy ankles"
Lexical items taken from
Because hip-hop is so intimately related to the , non-black hip-hop artists also use certain features of AAVE; for example, in an MC battle,
said, "What that mean, yo?" displaying lack of subject-verb inversion and also the "auxiliary do". However, they tend to avoid the term , even as a marker of solidarity. White hip-hop artists such as Eyedea can choose to accentuate their whiteness by hyper-articulating postvocalic r sounds (i.e. the ).
AAVE is also used by non-black artists in genres other than hip-hop, if less frequently. For instance, in "",
uses the term dime to mean "an attractive woman". 's "Sometimes It Be That Way" employs habitual be in the title to indicate . If they do not employ similar features of AAVE in their speech, then it can be argued that they are modeling their musical performance to evoke aspects of particular musical genres such as R&B or the blues (as British pop musicians of the 1960s and beyond did to evoke rock, pop, and the blues).
Some research suggests that non-African American young adults learn AAVE vocabulary by listening to hip-hop music.
On Twitter, AAVE is used as a framework from which sentences and words are constructed, in order to accurately express oneself.
Grammatical features and word pronunciations stemming from AAVE are preserved.
Spellings based on AAVE have become increasingly common, to the point where it has become a normalized practice. Some examples include, "you" (you're), "they" (their/they're), "gon/gone" (going to), and "yo" (your).
Educators traditionally have attempted to eliminate AAVE usage through the public education system, perceiving the dialect as grammatically defective. In 1974, the teacher-led
issued a position statement affirming students' rights to their own dialects and the validity of all dialects. Mainstream linguistics has long agreed with this.[] In 1979, a judge ordered the Ann Arbor School District to find a way to identify
AAVE speakers in the schools and to "use that knowledge in teaching such students how to read standard English".
for AAVE, which they called "Ebonics", to be recognized as an African-American language, sparking mixed reactions from linguists, educators, and the nation.[]
For the reasons that linguists avoid using the term Ebonics, see for example :7–8).
for more information
"was about a perfectly ordinary variety of English spoken by a large and diverse population of Americans of African descent. . . . [E]ssentially all linguists agree that what the Oakland board was dealing with is a dialect of English."
:29) and :55), both citing , , , and .
Those in favor of the "creole hypothesis" of African-American Vernacular English include
, John Dillard and .
William Labov, in the Foreword to , says "I would like to think that this clear demonstration of the similarities among the three diaspora dialects and the White benchmark dialects, combined with their differences from creole grammars, would close at least one chapter in the history of the creole controversies."
Ludden, Jennifer (September 6, 2010). . .
Heggarty, Paul et al, eds. (2013). . University of EdinburghSee pronunciation for "Chicago AAVE" and "N.Carolina AAVE."
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:121–122) although her examples are different.
See :92–94) on "aks" and metathesis, on the frequency with which "aks" is brought up by those who ridicule AAVE (e.g.), and on the linguistic or cognitive abilities of a speaker of another variety of English who would take "aks" to mean "axe" in a context that in another variety would probably call for "ask".
:121), citing :140)
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Aspectual be: :47–54)
In order to distinguish the stressed and unstressed forms, which carry different meaning, linguists often write the stressed version as BIN
:17) refers to this as a combination of "punctuative" and "imperfect" aspects.
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Shorter OED, 5th edition, cf
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This is from
d?gg or d?gga, meaning "to understand/appreciate" according to Smitherman 2000 s.v. "Dig"; or, it may instead come from
, according to Random House Unabridged, 2001
:??) cited in Rickford and Rickford, Spoken Soul, 240.
Gray: Smitherman, Black Talk, s.v. "Gray". Paddy: Dictionary of American Regional English, s.v. "Paddy".
suggests either a general West African or the Pig Latin origin. Black Talk, s.v. "Ofay".
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:4–6) argues that it is no coincidence that a population that has historically been "ridiculed and despised" would have its characteristic speech variety treated the same way.
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